one of the biggest problems of Indonesia is the application of the law, or more precisely the lack of it. Part of the problem is that the recruitment and promotion within the police service and civilian are not always based on merit, but sometimes on the payment of bribes. Yet many of those soliciting bribes are crooks, taking money from people trying to buy prestigious positions for themselves or their children.
It has long claimed that the entrance to the police academy can cost upwards of Rp.200 million, while the going rate to become an officer begins about Rp.100 million. Bribes are invariably paid to intermediaries, known calo , which then distribute the money to the officials. Unfortunately, this twisted system discourages the nation's top graduates to join the public service.
Police in September arrested an official and two police officers from the mobile brigade, who were taking bags Rp.1.9 billion ($ 152.600) in cash from Sumatra to Jakarta. The money consists of bribes, each ranging from Rp.170 million to Rp.200 million, paid by officials aspirants.
The recruitment of people twisted to perform the public service is clearly against-productive if Indonesia wants to put an end to institutionalized corruption. Yet President Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo this month tried to name a suspect of corruption, Budi Gunawan as the head of the national police. Budi is alleged to have been nominated for the position because he was very close to former President Megawati Sukarnoputri when serving as his deputy. The House approved representatives of the appointment shows that the decay of the system.
Some scammers claim to be connected to the president or minister, claiming that they can provide access to public funds, for a price, of course. Countless victims fall for these scams because the process of obtaining a position in the public service, promotion or public funds is often facilitated by corruption.
Police in East Java last week arrested the head of a gang that had amassed at least Rp.6 billion ($ 480,000) from thousands of people who had tried to buy their way in bureaucracy. Sumarno and his two cohorts had posed as members of the State Intelligence Agency and said to be close to government officials. The usually collected Rp.100 million per victim trio.
In the southern capital of Palembang in Sumatra, the last month police arrested a former lawmaker of taking bribes from Rp.100 million to Rp.500 million aspiring officials. Doni Romadhona (34), who served in the legislature from 2012 to 1013 Palembang City, took money from at least 11 people, promising positions in the bureaucracy without undergoing the necessary tests. None of them became officers. After his arrest, Doni threatened to extinguish journalists with urine, if they tried to ask him questions. Accused of fraud and embezzlement, he now faces a maximum sentence of four years in prison. Previously, he served only three months in prison for the same type of crime.
Also in the south of Sumatra, a woman studying for his master's degree, Anindita Astria (30), last week complained to the police that she had paid a bribe to get a job with the national Agency of public Service, but the recipient had fled with her money. Astria says an old high school friend, Yusman Reza (32), said he was working for the Minister of Agrarian Affairs and could help if she paid him Rp.100 million. She transferred Rp.30 million in August 2014 and promised to pay the rest after work begins. She was never recruited. When she asked for a refund, Yusman asked to pay an additional Rp.2.5 million, which she duly transferred, and more money was not returned.
In northern Sumatra, the police arrested in October Julius Silalahi (50), who served as vice president of the Regional Legislative Assembly Simalungun 2009-2014, for the same type of offense. He was accused of accepting up to Rp.150 are millions who want their children to join the bureaucracy. He also allegedly received a bribe of Rp.690 million a businessman in search of local government projects.
Julius told police that most of the corrupt money went to Agustiar Saragih, the brother of Regent Simalungun J.R. Saragih. Julius was never brought to justice. He was released in November after reaching settlements with victims. He was back in the news this month for refusing to return his official car to the state.
The officials who speak out against corruption can end up in jail. Take the case of Fadli Rahim (33), who worked for the Office of Tourism and Culture in Gowa regency in South Sulawesi. He has been behind bars since November 24, 2014, after criticizing the Regent of Gowa, Ichsan Yasin Limpo, in a group conversation on the popular online messaging application.
Fadli had said that investors were reluctant to come Gowa because they had to pay bribes to the regent. He also accused the regent of rigging elections and using strong-arm tactics to enjoy one of its affiliates.
The police responded by arresting Fadli, accusing him of defamation, indiscipline and breach of his superiors. He is currently on trial for defamation and faces a prison sentence of six years under the 2008 Law on Information and Electronic Transactions. This law was intended to punish online fraudsters, but rather is used to silence those who expose corruption or incompetence. Meanwhile, the mother of Fadli, a professor of higher school, was transferred to a distant school.
Regent Ichsan warned journalists that if they make accusations against him, they will also be punished. There is little protection for those who report corruption.
The Minister for disadvantaged regions and Transmigration, Marwan Jafar, this month urged all village leaders to ignore offers from brokers who claim that they are connected to the president and may pay funds assistance to the village of the central government - in exchange for bribes of Rp .15 million.
Marwan said he had been informed of the fraud in the aid program, in which 73,000 villages in the country can receive each rp.1 billion for economic development and 'infrastructure.
The Minister said that the disbursement of village funds should not be made through intermediaries, although all village leaders must prepare a local development plan for the medium-term government and a work plan local development to qualify for the aid, which will begin to be distributed in April.
A light of hope is that Jokowi himself pulls the strings of nepotism. His daughter last month failed to make the grade for candidates to join the public service.